Documents

(Selection)

1.

Presidium of the Council of Ministers Bucharest,

Information Centre June 19, 1941

Ref. No. 62783

Ministry of National Propaganda

Confidential

I hereby enclose the Information Memorandum concerning the activities of the Secret Service under the authority of the Ministry of National Propaganda, in which Mr. Antonescu, the Leader of the State, introduced the following resolutions:

The Ministry of the Interior is to restrict their freedom of movement, so as to ensure that the Ministry will be able to execute further orders to be given by me concerning them, when the suitable time comes.

[171] The office, which collects the data - from Bessarabia and Bucovina - of the suffering of citizens, and of crimes committed under Bolshevik rule, should stand by for action, so that we can make use of this data immediately throughout the country, in factories, cinemas and in schools.

Apart from this, His Highness has approved all the proposals of the Ministry of National Propaganda, which were submitted to him under proposal No. 83/M on May 31, 1941, and which are also indicated in the enclosed memorandum.

You are requested to take action and report the results of measures taken by you to the Presidium of the Council of Ministers (Central Information Service) by July 10, 1941.

2.

Presidium the Council of Ministers July 1, 1941

Announcement

The Soviets are attempting to organise acts of sabotage, revolt and violence behind the front through all means at their disposal.

For this purpose they are deploying spies and terrorist agents from aeroplanes by parachute. These in turn contact [172] agents operating in the country and within the Jewish-communist community for the purpose of jointly organising violent actions.

A number of these agents have been arrested, and attempts at acts of violence have been avenged.

In Iasi 500 Jewish-communists, who had opened fire on German and Rumanian soldiers were executed.

Every attempt at disrupting public order and peace, must be firmly avenged on sight.

It is the duty of peace-loving citizens to immediately report to the authorities any suspicious elements or aliens who have recently appeared in towns and villages. Those who fail to report elements seeking to threaten order and security in time, will be hanged along with their families.

Presidium of the Council of Ministers July 2, 1941

Announcement

Recently there have been several cases of elements alien to our nation and against our interests opening fire on German and Rumanian soldiers.

Each repetition of this ghastly violent act must be relentlessly avenged.

For each murdered German or Rumanian soldier we will execute 50 Jewish-communists. [173]

3.

Military Court of Justice

Examining Magistrate's Office No. 1

Minutes

In reference to the interrogation of witness Eugen Cristescu, ex-Head of the Special Information Service (SSI).

I was Head of the Special Information Service when Marshal Antonescu was in power.

There was a total of 11 German information services in operation in Rumania. (...) As I discovered during my investigation, three German secret service groups, operating under cover, were involved in the events in Iasi:

3. The Geheime Feldpolizei (...);

The Investigation:

Upon discovering that official investigations had not thrown light on the plot which provoked the violent actions of the Germans in Iasi, and since I was not satisfied with the information given me by two of my officials, whom I had sent to Iasi on July 15, 1941 in the aftermath of the massacre, I personally went to Iasi with the detachment to conduct an investigation in the hope of discovering how the massacre had been plotted. In June 1946. I found out that the file on this examination had disappeared from the Archives of the [174] Special Information Service. Consequently, I am at present attempting to reconstruct events from memory, as far as possible, and on this basis, I can state that the Germans instigated acts of provocation around the Central Police Station in Iasi, and opened fire on soldiers of the Todt-corps, who had been Stationed in Iasi in large numbers; none of these soldiers was injured, nevertheless, they began to slaughter the Jews.

Therefore, the so-called Jewish uprising at the Central Police Station of Iasi was in actual an act of provocation, executed by German and Rumanian elements working for the German secret services, which had operated under cover: the Gestapo, the SD and the Geheimfeldpolizei.

The Abwehr had nothing to do with this case, because its agents were in the first line at the front carrying out reconnaissance and counter-intelligence missions.

During the investigation, it came to light that the Rumanians had been recruited from among the well-known anti-Semitic elements in Iasi. These were agents of the above-mentioned German secret services; they were led by a certain Martinescu, and used German weapons during the act of provocation.

The names of other Germans and Rumanians involved in the provocation in Iasi were also mentioned in the file.

I had intended to arrest culpable Rumanians, but I discovered that Germans had already helped them to flee to Germany. I also suspected that Major Gregori and Captain Rochscheid were involved in the Iasi case. I ordered their expulsion from the country.

[175] I reported all of these facts to ex-Marshal Antonescu, who made a note of them so as to be able to discuss them with General Schobert, Commander of the Southern Army.

4

The testimony of Lieutenant-Colonel Trajan Borcescu, ex-Head of the Secretariat of the SSI, interrogated by Dumitru Saracu, public prosecutor, on November 12, 1945.

I was an employee of Department No. 2 of General Headquarters, which dealt with military counter-intelligence, from 1938 to April 1, 1941.

On April 1,1941 I was transferred to the Special Information Service (SSI), where I presented myself on May 1, 1941.

On November 11,1940, Eugen Cristescu, who had been Director of the, Ministry of the Interior until that date, became the Head of the Special Information Service.

I saw a photographic record of the massacre in Iasi. It also contained explanatory notes next to the photographs. The collection was compiled by Director Florin Becescu-Georgescu, and Gheorghe Cristescu (the brother of Eugen Cristescu). The former wrote the explanatory notes, the latter took the pictures. This album was sent by courier from the detachment to Mihai Antonescu. In the explanatory notes they justified the pogrom in Iasi by claiming that Jews, aided by Soviet partisans, had opened fire on German and Rumanian soldiers marching to the front. It was claimed that [176] on this occasion approx. 20,000 Jews were killed in Iasi, mostly in the districts of Pacurari and Sararie, in Lapusneanu Street, at the Central Police Station, and at other places.

According to them, the massacre was organized by German SS-members, policemen, and Rumanian soldiers.

It is my suspicion that the preparation and planning for the Iasi massacre was the work of the 1st Mobile Detachment, because Eugen Cristescu said to me upon returning to Bucharest: "All the great things we did in Moldavia were carried out in co-operation with Department No. 2 of Headquarters: with Colonel Dinulescu and Lieutenant-Colonel Petrescu Gheorghe".

Grigore Petrovici told me that Junius Lecca had played a significant role in the preparation of the pogrom. He was the Head of the Counter-Intelligence Residency at the centre in Iasi, and supplied information concerning Jewish hot-beds of activity in Iasi; this information was handed over to Eugen Cristescu, who formulated the plans for the Iasi massacre, along with Department No. 2 of General Headquarters and the German Commander.

At the end of the explanatory notes in the album, which I have already mentioned, it was written that the detachment, following an agreement with Department No. 2 of General Headquarters had taken action on the issue of evacuating the Jewish survivors from Iasi.

The photographs in the album showed a number of houses in Iasi. Bullet-holes could be seen in the walls; it was [177] claimed that these impressions were the result of bullets fired by Jews at German and Rumanian soldiers. Apart from these, there were two more photos, in which Rumanian and German soldiers could be seen lying in the street. In the explanatory notes it was claimed that they had been killed by Jews.

The other photographs showed streets in the Jewish districts full of the corpses of the victims of the pogrom.

Concerning the preparation of the Iasi massacre, I must add that the Directors of the Iasi Information Centre of the Special Information Service, Captain Balotescu Gheorghe and Major Tulbure, were the ones who recruited Iron Guards, and both of them took part in the preparation and organisation of the massacre with the Mobile Detachment of the SSI.

Concerning the executions, although the detachment was not commissioned for this purpose, the following units, consisting of members of the detachment, took part in the massacre: a squad headed by Captains Grigore Petrovici and Gheorghe Balotescu, another under the leadership of Major Tulbure, and a third directed by Gheorghe Cristescu-Gica, the brother of Eugen Cristescu. I am only aware of these squads, but there may have been others as well. The units were under the control of Director Florin Becescu-Georgescu.

During the first days, the courier who had brought the photographic album informed me of the part played in the executions by these SSI units. Later, however, members of [178] these groups themselves talked to me about it; to be more exact, Grigore Petrovici-Guta, Cristescu-Gica, Balotescu and my ex-secretary, Silvestru Radu P. Vernescu. They said that they had taken an active part in the execution of Jews throughout the pogrom. My ex-secretary, Silvestru Radu P. Vernescu, told me that he, along with lonel Stanescu and Eugen Cristescu, had spoken to Marshal Antonescu a few days before the pogrom. I suspect that, on that occasion, they discussed and arranged the pogrom.

Part of the hidden agenda of this Mobile Detachment was to either evacuate or deport the Jews from Moldavia, and for this purpose Florin Becescu-Georgescu, Director of the SSI, took the files of Jews and communists with him when he left for Bucharest.

The detachment travelled from Iasi to Kishinev, where they organized another bloodbath; in Kishinev the same SSI units operated. I also know that one member of the Service was caught robbing in Kishinev, and subsequently relieved of his post.

The detachment looted in Tighina and Tiraspol, and was involved in the massacre in Odessa. From Tighina onwards the detachment was led by Colonel Ion Lisievici, with Lieutenant-Colonel Vasile Palius as his deputy.

A part of the detachment, under the leadership of Major Olteanu, who was later succeeded by Major Tomescu Niculai, was accommodated in Cetatea Alba, where they looted the homes of Jewish citizens.

The other parts of the detachment, headed by Colonel Lisievici operated in Transnistria, the Ukraine and in the [179] Crimea Peninsula, and reached as far as Rostow; among them were Lieutenant-Colonel Vasile Palius, Director Trohani Nicolae, under the pseudonym Major Carlan, Lieutenant-Colonel Ernescu Grigore, Captain Rusu Victor, Captain Velicu Dudu, Lieutenant Mosoarca (reserve officer), Lieutenant Florin Begnescu, Racu, Deputy Director and many more.

The file of the Odessa cases was given to me personally by Grigore Petrovici, and that of the massacre in Kishinev by Gheorghe Cristescu-Gica.

/.../

Public Prosecutor Lieutenant-Colonel

D. Saracu m.p. Trajan Borcescu m.p.

5.

The testimony of Lieutenant-Colonel M. Radulescu, interrogated by Divisional General Nedelea Savu, Special Investigating Magistrate, on June 12, 1947:

I can say very little about the massacre in Iasi because I was not there. But I think its political consequences were far too significant for it not to be taken into consideration, therefore I have tried to form a clear picture of its origins and progress.

The first thing which made it clearer to me was part of a conversation between Lieutenant-Colonel Constantin Ionescu Micandru and German Captain Alexandru von [180] Stranschi, which I accidentally overheard. On St. Eugen's day (December 24, 1941), we celebrated the name day of the SSI Head Eugen Cristescu; during the banquet I sat next to Captain Stranschi, and at the end of the conversation I heard Lieutenant-Colonel Ionescu Micandru say about Jews:

"Don't worry, we will settle the Jewish issue just as we did in Iasi with the SSI; when some got fired, others took their place. Isn't that right, Sandu?" (Sandu was Captain Stranschi)

Divisional General Savu Nedelea, Constantin Radulescu,

Special Investigating Magistrate Lieutenant-Colonel

6.

From the testimony of witness Lieutenant-Colonel Traian Borcescu, interrogated by Dumitru Saracu, public prosecutor, on January 15 and 18, 1946.

I completely stand by my statement of November 12, 1945, which I wish to corroborate today.

I must add that it came to my mind that following the bloody incidents in Iasi, the couriers', who brought the post to the First Mobile Detachment of the SSI, told me that a group from the detachment, led by Deputy Police Commissar Grigore Petrovici, had been dispatched, and actively participated in events in the town. Grigore Petrovici had everyone call him "Inspector", even though he only held the rank of deputy police commissar.

[180]

I know that Grigore Guta Petrovici, a member of the 1st Mobile Detachment, worked together with Major Gheorghe Balotescu in Iasi during the time of the pogrom. Petrovici and Balotescu themselves claimed that they had closely co-operated in executing orders received in Iasi and Kishinev.

I definitely know that Colonel loan Lissievici, who first became Deputy Commander, and then Commander of the First Mobile Detachment of the SSI, directly commanded all the spies and counter-intelligence officers, in other words, everyone operating at the front or behind it. That is how I know that the leaders of the Iasi Residency, Gheorghe Balotescu and Major Emil Tulbure, as well as members of their unit, were directly answerable to Colonel loan Lissievici. I know for sure that these two officers took part in the Iasi pogrom with their units, which were assembled from Iron Guard elements; Major Gh. Balotescu told me this. These two officers and their Iron Guard units laid the ground work for the pogrom, worked out the details of its plan, and then directly participated in the pogrom, together with other soldiers and civilians in Iasi.

D. Saracu Traian Borcescu

Public Persecutor m. p. Lieutenant-Colonel m. p.

[182]

7.

Minutes of the Confrontation

July 7, 1945, 17.00 hrs

General Leoveanu Emanoil stated the following: On June 29, 1941, the then Minister of the Interior summoned me, and told me that the Iasi police had committed serious crimes. They had looted and organized a pogrom against the Jewish citizens; he stated that General Antonescu had ordered me to leave for Iasi immediately, and find out who was responsible. I immediately travelled to Iasi. I arrived on July 1, 1941, and set to work at once.

Based on what I experienced, I came to the conclusion that the Germans had provoked the affair, and the army made it look as if there had been shooting. This is borne out by the fact that bullets from Flaubert cap-pistols were found in the street. They only have a range of 3-4 metres. Besides, there was not one dead or wounded soldier in the streets.

I must add that during the days of the massacre the Jewish citizens were collected from their homes by the police, and escorted to the Central Police Station with the help of the garrison troops led by their commanders. During my investigation, I was able to conclude that Iron Guards co-operated with the police and soldiers of the town during the pogrom.

I then contacted Colonel Chirilovici, Police Superintendent, who reported that he had used all the means at his disposal to guarantee public order.

[183]During conversations with Colonel Chirilovici, one of the things he told me was that once the shooting had started, the soldiers received an order to search houses to find out where the shots were coming from.

Citizens were chased out of their houses and arrested. A number of them were shot there and then, while more were taken to the Central Police Station, where they were abused; others were killed by the Germans.

I do not remember clearly whether or not Colonel Chirilovici reported that those collected from the yard of the Central Police Station had been shot there with machine guns; but I do recall him mentioning that they had been beaten up terribly.

I must add that in my report, I did not claim that police forces were also among the killers and robbers.

8.

From the testimony of Avram Hahamu, Deputy President of the Jewish Religious Community of Iasi, interrogated by Mihail Popilian, public prosecutor, on March 2, 1945.

I have been Deputy President of the Jewish Religious Community of Iasi since 1938. On June 26, 1941, the Soviet Air Force bombed Iasi. On June 27,1941, Colonel Chirilovici, Police Superintendent summoned the 12 leaders of the Community, including myself, to the Central Police Station and in the name of the then commanding general - I have forgotten his name, but I think he was called Stavrescu - he [184] stated that he had information that the pilots of the Soviet planes were from Iasi, and we, Jews, had given them signals, because this is the only explanation for the demolition of the town and for the fact that no Jews were among the victims, and neither did we suffer material losses. We immediately told him that we were not co-operating with the enemy, and asked for twenty-four hours so that we could carry out our own investigations.

The next day we submitted a report, in which the late Av. Gherner indicated that in districts on the outskirts of the town, where poor Jews lived, so far 38 Jews were dead and 100 Jewish houses collapsed due to the bombings; therefore the statement that we were in connection with the enemy could not be held up and that we could not be held responsible for it.

The Police Superintendent said that he would report this to the commanding general and at the same time ordered us to collect all telescopes, torches, cameras and film-cameras within 48 hour, and hand them in at the Central Police Station.

Popilian Avram Hahamu m. p.

Public Prosecutor m. p.

[185]

9.

Testimony of Wolf Herscu, interrogated by Gh. Trissonimo, public prosecutor of the Court of Appeal of Bucharest, on January 2, 1948.

When Iasi was bombed on June 26, 1941, I was injured in my leg and neck. On that day, as far as I remember, a sergeant from either the Education or Training Department of the 13th Guardsmen Regiment came for me, but perhaps, he may have been assigned to the Transport Corps. At the same time they also came after Cojocaru Iosub and Leon Schechter. All three of us were taken to the Rumanian Headquarters in Vasile Lupu Street, from there we were escorted by armed guards to Division Headquarters in to Copou, and to the exhibition hall. I was escorted by the same Lance-Sergeant who had come for me. When we arrived, we were handed over to two captains, who, upon realising our innocence, told us that we were free to go and ordered that we be escorted home. We left for home with the same escort, but then the Lance-Sergeant told us to take a different route, and directed us down a remote road, the Sararie lane, and from there towards the rifle range. Since I was barely able to walk, because of my injury from the bombardment, I had to lean on Cojocaru Iosub. Suddenly, I heard a bullet whistling past my head. That one only skimmed me, another, however, went straight into my left hip. While collapsing I saw that it was the Lance-Sergeant who had shot me, and it was also him who ordered me not to look back. I regained consciousness at dawn June 27, 1941.1 wanted to stand up, but I could not, and I saw that Cojocaru Iosub was lying dead in front of me about 10-12 metres away. He had [186] been shot by the same Lance-Sergeant. While I was falling to the ground, I could hear him shouting at the other two to stay where they were.

Gh. Trissonimo m. p. Wolf Herscu m. p.

Public Prosecutor

10.

23621/June 29, 1941

This is a continuation of report No. 23469 of June 29, 1941:

On June 18, at 10.00 hrs, a small number of independent army units in the district of Tatarasi began searching Jews, and while doing so abused them considerably, and committed serious offences against them.

As the local Chief of Police attempted to intervene, Lance-Sergeant Manoliu Mircea turned to a passing German corps and said that the local Jews had radio transmission equipment but he had been unable to find it because the police were protecting the Jews. The leader of the German corps offered to collaborate with the police during the rest of the house-searches. They were also joined by Rumanian soldiers from the 13th Infantry Regiment and the 22nd Artillery Regiment. All of them continued to abuse the Jews.

[187] When the commander of the garrison, Colonel Lupu, was informed of what was happening, Colonel Captaru, county head, the Military Judge of the Division along with the commanders of the aforementioned troops as well as representatives of the Central Police Station went to the scene and arrested the rebellious Lance-Sergeant and those (among the Rumanians) who had actively taken part in the offences; they were handed over to the military judge of the division for investigation.

This action fully re-established peace in the district. On the same day at 22.00 hrs. the police force was informed that military units of vital importance were being shot at.

All local military bodies were informed immediately, first of all General Stavrescu, Commander of the Division. The Commander of the Garrison and the Military Judge went to the Central Police Station to study the situation and report to the Commander of the Division.

Patrols, consisting of Gendarme members and policemen, which were sent out during the day time, were immediately strengthened.

The conclusion: incidents of shooting were becoming more widespread in several districts of town, and in areas where German or Rumanian soldiers were marching.

Consequently, a group of soldiers marching down Lascar Catargiu Street came under fire, as did another group marching through Carol Street. Even though the shooting was very heavy, nobody was injured. All night long the army, the police and the Germans searched the places from which shots were fired. No Jews were arrested for shooting. The Gendarme inspector sent two Christians to the [188] Inspectorate. One of them, a certain Lupsanschi, claimed to be an Iron Guard. They found his will on him, which he had prepared the previous day. Weapons were not found on them.

Under orders from the Commander of the Division, at dawn the search of Jewish houses was started, but not one single weapon was found.

So far, approx. 2,500 Jews have been taken to the Central Police Station, the Commander of the Division wants to evacuate all of them from the town.

Not long ago, the police organisations informed me that certain Rumanian and German soldiers were committing acts of abuses, and looting, and that many Jews have been killed in the streets, and even at the Central Police Station.

Regional Inspector

11.

From the testimony of Lieutenant-Colonel Romulus Muresanu, interrogated by General Emanoil Ionescu , specially appointed examining judge, on June 27, 1947.

In 1941, as a captain, I was deputy head of the Economics Office. As far as I know, on June 26, 1941, the Russians bombed Iasi, and in one of the planes there was a [189] Jew from Iasi called Lupu, and another Jew; these were caught, and the German commander ordered the evacuation of Jews from the town. (...) On June 27, 1941, in the evening I was walking down Carol Street with my wife when someone fired at me. Shots were fired in Buna Vestire Street as well, but nobody was hit. A German patrol approached me, and asked where the shots had come from, and I indicated the direction. While I continued my walk I heard a round of machine-gun fire; later I learned that the Germans had executed the Jews in one of the houses.

On June 28, I met Captain Capatana's orderly on Spiridonie Square; he was shooting at Jews. When I asked him who had given the order for this, he showed his surprise at my question, and asked: do you not know that there is an order to shoot every Jew?

The officers of the 6th Rifle Regiment Stationed in Ba1ti asked the German Headquarters to which they were attached (as I have been informed), to be sent to the front-line next to Sculeni (their request was fulfilled), because the Jews there severely humiliated them when they had had to withdraw from Bessarabia, and now they wanted to take their revenge. They did the same in Balti, where I saw members of the 6th Rifle Regiment shoot Jews dead. I heard in the officers' mess that Sub-Lieutenant Mihailescu himself shot dead the Jews from Gura Cainari. As far as I know, approx. 1,040 Jews were shot dead.

/.../

General Ionescu m. p. M. Muresan m. p.

specially appointed examining judge reserve Lieutenant-Colonel

[190]

12.

6th Mountain Rifle Regiment 9801/July 31, 1941 Military Post Office No. 10. To the General Command

Reply to your order No. 66 of July 30, 1941.

I hereby report that the regiment has already replied, by referring to this issue in report No. 700 of July 28, 1941.

In my opinion the methods employed by the regiment, while in compliance with higher orders, were too tame, since the Jews had dared to shoot at the Rumanian army, and had dared to carry out sabotage actions against it, which resulted in the loss of many soldiers who could have been saved.

Captain Stihi executed those bastards. They do not bear thinking about; this occurred as the result of an order given by me, and in full compliance with higher commands in relation to issues of this type.

I enclose a copy of the above-mentioned report.

[191]

13.

From the testimony of Colonel Mihai Isacescu, interrogated by General Emanoil Ionescu , specially appointed examining judge, on June 18, 1947.

At the time of the Bessarabian military expedition I was the commander of the reconnaissance squadron of the 6th Rifle Regiment, as its captain. (...) When we captured the Sculeni-Rusi bridge-head, I heard that in Stanca Rosnoveanu, Captain Stihi, Sub-Lieutenant Mihailescu and private Ion Epure had killed the Jews who had escaped from Sculeni-Rusi, and that private Epure had mutilated them prior to execution.

I was informed by word of mouth by fellow-soldiers, Captain Ioachim and others, that the above-mentioned people had done this primarily to rob the Jews of the gold they had on them. The spoils were probably shared with Captain Stihi and Colonel Maties. In reference to this, a conversation about a watch between Captain Stihi's wife and Colonel Maties comes to mind.

It is not true that in Marculesti the citizens first put up the white flag and then attacked Captain Otel's squadron by joining the Russian troops. The truth is that a Russian unit, approx. the size of a squadron, attacked Captain Otel's squadron from the side causing the soldiers to retreat, then the Russians withdrew and took with them Captain Otel, who was wounded in the leg. A story was subsequently [192] concocted to cover up the stupidity of a squadron being dispatched, with neither backup nor reconnaissance units, towards the north-eastern Heights of Floresti on the Vesdova-Alexen line, where they would have had to construct battle trenches before the arrival of the regiment.

General Ionescu Emanoil m. p. Colonel M. Isacescu

specially appointed examining judge m. p.

14.

From the testimony of Lieutenant Andronic Prepelita, a former sergeant in Captain Stihi's squadron, interrogated by Captain Ion Zaharescu , military examining judge, on May 7, 1947.

It was Captain Stihi who carried out the execution of the Jews in Stanca Rosnoveanu together with Sub-Lieutenant Mihailescu and Sergeant Vasile Mihailov .

I must add that the machine-gun was operated by Sergeant Vasile Mihailov. Captain Stihi and Sub-Lieutenant Mihailescu, however, were equipped with one machine pistol each. They made Jews stand in front of them in three columns, each with a selection of men, women and children. The above-mentioned three persons shot at them.

Captain Ion Zaharescu m. p. Prepelita Andronic

military examining judge Lieutenant m. p.

[193]

15.

The Report of the Judicial Medical Examiner

The undersigned, Dr. Vasile Hurghisiu, the medical examiner of the Jasi Judiciary, on the basis of official document No. 15152, dated September 12, issued by the Chief Prosecutor of the Iasi Judiciary, as well as the decisions made in response to petitions Nos. 2171 and 2176 by the Iasi Jewish Religious Community, dated September 10, 1945 and September 12, 1945, and with reference to my oath, was invited "to take part in the exhumation of Jewish remains buried in mass graves in Stanca Rosnoveanu in order to verify the existence of the corpses in the mass graves, and ascertain other relevant circumstances, for the purposes of launching a criminal investigation or using the report as evidence in criminal investigations in their enquiry or sentencing periods."

Historically: the above-mentioned two letters by the Iasi Jewish Religious Community, addressed to the Office for Public Prosecutions of the Iasi Courts, indicate that on June 27, 1941 in Stanca Rosnoveanu in Iasi county Jews were murdered and buried in mass graves.

It turns out from the testimony given by a witness, forty-year-old agricultural labourer, Zaharia Alexandru, from the village of Carpiti, that on a working day in 1941, a great number of Jews were brought to the above-mentioned site, where they were executed with machine guns set up approx. twenty metres from the victims and the hole, and fired by a captain and the soldiers of the 6th Rifle Regiment Stationed in Balti. The witness also states that he knows of and can [194] identify four mass graves, and knows of one further grave but is unable to locate it, because it was dug beside a road which was subsequently re-routed.

The topographical description of the graves in Stanca Rosnoveanu: the corpses of Stanca Rosnoveanu, referred to in the report, were exhumed from three mass graves; the graves were at the foot of a hill in a valley approx. 12 km from Iasi, near the village of Carpiti. They were located almost in a line next to one another, with a distance of only 2-3 meters between graves.

The sizes of the graves: Length: 6 ms

The exhumation began at the grave the farthest from Iasi (the closest to Carpiti), hereinafter referred to as No. I, the grave in the middle as No. II, and the third, (the closest to Iasi as No. III. The latter narrows towards the end.

Preliminary remarks:

The exhumation work began at grave No. I on September 12, 1945, and continued at grave No. II, and then at No. III. The work was periodically halted on public holidays and because of inclement weather. Due to the above circumstances, as well as the season, during that autumn, the Iasi Jewish Religious Community agreed to postpone the continuation of work on the exhumation. The exhumed bodies were buried in three large common graves in the Jewish cemetery. The digging was done by German POWs guarded by Soviet soldiers.

[195] The description of the corpses:

Position: after the removal of a 30-50 cm layer of earth, the first layer of corpses appears. It can be established, that in all three graves, the bodies were positioned in a certain order. The heads are on either side of the hole. The bodies and limbs are entwined, making exhumation difficult and lengthy. In grave No. III, we found small children, their arms embracing the necks of female corpses. Most of the women had covered their faces with their head-scarves or hands.

Clothing: The corpses were wearing "civilian" clothes characteristic of this province. The types of clothing varied differently. On some corpses there were two or three shirts, coals or overcoats, on others, especially the women in grave II, there were only night-dresses; the men in grave III were lying barefoot, scantily dressed or with rolled-up sleeves. We found the usual personal belongings in the pockets: keys, combs, handkerchiefs, stockings, bottles for water and perfume, etc. We also found jewellery on some corpses. We catalogued these, and attached the list to the examiner's report.

We carried out the identification of the corpses, to determine whether the male bodies had been circumcised -- a traditional Jewish custom - (unless the process of rotting had not advanced too far). We also found various documents, issued to Jewish names. In this way, in one of the pockets of a male corpse we found a Soviet passport and a soldier's book, issued to the name Itic Motolevici, born in 1910 in Sculeni. We also found a birth certificate issued to the name Ghetel from Sculeni, as well as an identity card issued [196] in Sculeni, which belonged to Faibis, born on June 13, 1907. The examination and identification of the clothes and documents was carried out by Dr. Germanski in the presence of Mr. Josef Michel, the representative of the Iasi Jewish Religious Community, during the reburial at the Iasi Jewish Cemetery.

Sex and age: the identification of the sex of the corpses was carried out on bodies less affected by rotting, by examining genitalia and bone structure. We also drew information from the clothes and documents. As far as age is concerned, in lack of other criteria, the identification was carried out on the basis of the Judicial Medical Examination, taking into consideration milk-teeth and the set of teeth characteristic of adults.

The number of bodies exhumed from the three mass graves was 311 (three hundred and eleven). In grave No. I 95, in grave No. II, 119, and in grave No. III, 97 corpses were found.

Conclusions:

[197]

Judicial Medical Examiner of Iasi:

Dr. V. Hurghisiu m. p.

Commander of The Office of the Gendarmerie in Hubolca:

Sergeant-Major Petru Ghimes m. p.

Representatives of the Jewish Religious Community of Iasi:

[198]

16.

Iasi Central Police Station Registered on July 2

Ref. No. 99, June 30,1941 under No. 23857; file No. 569/941.

To the Inspectorates of the Police and Siguranta

On 28th at 22.00 hrs, our organisations informed us that in certain districts automatic weapon fire was coming from every house.

All the soldiers marching through these districts and every Gendarme patrol which had been dispatched during the day to every district of the town, as well as a number of off-duty police officers, started to search the houses from which, according to them, shots had been fired. Every Jew was taken away; most were found in the air-raid shelters.

On this occasion many of them were shot dead, and many were robbed.

The chaos grew greater every second, and since the shootings had taken place in the vicinity of several important institutions, there were suspicions that someone wanted to occupy them; therefore we strengthened the guards around the central telephone exchange, the Central Police Station and the railway Station: in spite of these measures, we were unable to capture any of the marksmen.

[199] I must add that there were no fatalities, and only one policemen was slightly hurt.

When the sun came up, a Rumanian army corps, which had been marching along Lascar Catargiu Street, came under fire, as did another marching along Carol Street.

There can be no doubt that an anti-Semitic atmosphere quickly established itself. This led to Jews being pulled out of air-raid shelters, houses and shops. They were taken without pretext to the Central Police Station. On 29th at 09.00 hrs there were already 1,800 persons there, women, children and men of all ages.

The hostile atmosphere fuelled abuse and looting, especially when German soldiers killed a woman in broad daylight in a public street. Afterwards, disgusted they threw the body into a passage-way.

Civilians from the low stratum of society also joined in.

From this moment on, the banishment of Jews was combined with ghastly looting and beatings. All the different groups within the army and even policemen were involved in these actions. Scenes were photographed by the Germans, naturally the scenes in which no German soldiers played a part.

The situation was alarming. The soldiers did not listen to anybody's commands any more. They were roamed freely around the town; looting, beating, torturing and even murdering.

/.../

Lieutenant-Colonel Gh. Stanciulescu. m. p.

Chirilovici m. p. Secretary

Police Superintendent of Iasi of Central Police Station

[200]

17.

Report of Lieutenant-Colonel C. Chirilovici, Police Superintendent in charge,

Report on the Pogrom in Iasi.

Iasi Central Police Station Confidential

Ref. No. 99. June 30, 1941

Dear Minister,

On the morning of June 28 of this year, the commander of the German advance party, which was marching through Tatarasi district, was informed that the Jews living in that area had radio transmission devices, with which they gave signals to enemy aircraft whenever a plane appeared over the town.

The Germans began to search the district thoroughly. The soldiers of the 13th Guardsmen Regiment, who were accommodated in the district, and those of the 24th Artillery Regiment also participated in the operation. They were led by a Lance-Sergeant of the 13th Guardsmen Regiment.

On this occasion, due to the provocative behaviour of the Jews, the soldiers, and to a greater extent the Christian community who joined them, attacked the Jews and committed certain offences.

[201] On the evening of June 28, at approx. 20.30 hrs, I was informed by the district police offices that all over town there was random gunfire from houses inhabited by Jews.

We were informed of the same fact by the German Headquarters also, while they were putting more patrols into action in the town.

The aggressors had increased their fire power, and the patrols and units marching through the town returned fire.

At this time (3 o'clock) special units consisting of Gendarmes, soldiers and policemen were formed, which proceeded to surround the buildings from which the shots were coming. They also checked every person found in the buildings.

An atmosphere of hostility against Jews emerged, and as a consequence all the Jews were collected from the buildings from where the shots came, and taken to the Central Police Station.

Some Jews, who were aggressive and resisted, were abused, and those who turned out to be guilty beyond doubt were shot dead.

On the morning of June 29, at 09.00 hrs, there were approx. 1,000 Jews in the yard of the Central Police Station.

[201] The Rumanian citizens fully convinced that the communist Jews were shooting, attacked the Central Police Station denouncing every Jew living in a building from which shots were fired.

On June 29, at approx. 13.15 hrs, shots were fired at German soldiers positioned around and in the yard of the Central Police Station. They became terribly angry that communists with their shooting had wanted to help the Jews escape. They, therefore, shot into the Jews, killing a number of them.

Lieutenant-Colonel C.D. Chirilovici m. p.,

Police Superintendent in charge

18.

Secret July 7, 1941 No. 4457

Gendarme Central Station, Gendarme Office Iasi

Gendarme Station 3rd Police Department

Secret recording No. 33716

July 9, 1941

To Gendarme Central Station, Gendarme Office

In accordance with the telephone information received on June 30, 1941.

I hereby report, that the following facts have been established on the basis of the information I collected:

[203] On July 30 two trains full of Jews left Iasi:

a/ The first contained 2,500 Jews;

b/ The second 1,900.

In the first train 1,194 Jews died during the journey.

The train was made stop at Podul Iloaei (Iasi), where the dead were buried, and the survivors accommodated by local Jews.

In the second train 650 Jews died between Iasi and Targu Frumos. They were buried in Targu Frumos; 327 died between Targu Frumos and Mircesti, they were buried in Mircesti.

Colonel Gh. Badescu m. p.,

Iasi Cendarme Superintendent

Lieutenant-Colonel Al. Manoil m. p.,

Head of Police

Department and Headquarters

19.

Testimony of Viad Marievici, former Director of the Burial Service Company of Iasi's Mayor's Office, interrogated by Dumitru Saracu, public prosecutor, on July 21, 1945.

(...) at approx. 11.00 hrs, a Lance-Sergeant came to my office, and requested a closed transport vehicle. I gave him the van, and when he returned at about 14.00 hrs, the driver told me that they had transported Jewish bodies from the yard of the Central Police Station to the Jewish cemetery. (...) On June 30, 1941, I came into my office as usual, and [204] immediately received the order from the police to present myself with all available means of transport (cars and carts) at the Central Police Station. I immediately did so, and asked Police Constable Iancu to order out Gendarmes and policemen to escort every car and cart. This happened after an argument between us, because I objected to his proposal that the bodies be collected only by workers of the burial service company. I did so to prevent the possible looting. I also asked Police Constable Iancu about the dying and wounded. After contacting Colonel Lupu, Commander of the Town, Police Constable Iancu told me that the dying and wounded should be taken to the Jewish hospital. I learnt from the staff of the burial company that this order had not actually been carried out, and in many cases dying people were also put onto the cars, as ordered by the Gendarme sergeants escorting the transporters These either suffocated as a result of being covered by dead bodies, or were thrown into the holes alive. I must add that only the staff carrying out physical work remained next to the cars and carts, and these orders were given only by soldiers and policemen. I supplied them with four vans and 24 carts then (...). The cartsmen always had lunch at the town eatery, but that day most of them did not appear there. In the evening they explained that the authorities held them back so as to continue transporting. A lot of them were drunk. I am convinced that most of them robbed the dead bodies, and this supposition can be proven by the fact that a few days later, when they received their wages, they did not even bother to count the money, and behaved as if they couldn't care less. A number of them were wearing excellent quality clothes, which they could not have afforded on their salaries.

[205] In reference to the question of whether I consider the number 254 to be the precise number of dead bodies buried in the Jewish cemetery, I must say - and I base my statement on the announcement issued at the time, which mentioned 500 Jewish communists, and on what I saw in the yard of the police Station and in Alecsandri Alley -, the number of dead bodies exceeded 500. (...) On Monday morning I was refused entry to the yard of the police Station. When the gate was opened, I saw a pile of corpses, they were piled on top of one another like logs. There was not enough room to drive a car into the yard. Blood ran down as far as the gate, and when I entered, it completely covered my shoes. - I must also add that I also saw the fence (...),and because there was an enormous number of corpses there, I asked a policeman standing by it, who spoke with Bessarabian accent, how come there were so many bodies. He replied: we brought a lot of them here, too, to this place, and shot them dead.

D. Saracu public prosecutor m. p. Vlad Marievici m. p.

[206]

20.

Rumania. Ministry of Interior. Secret

Iasi Central Police Station. Confidential

135 CS/ August 23, 1941.

To the Office of the Highest Military Tribunal

We hereby transfer the enclosed report of August 1941 concerning the atmosphere of the citizens in the sphere of authority of the Central Police Station.

Lieutenant-Colonel

Chirilovici m. p. Anghel Z. Anghel m. p.

Police Superintendent of Iasi Leader of Siguaranta

The mood and disposition of the citizens:

At the beginning of the military operations against the Soviet forces, the Rumanian citizens welcomed the war with enormous energy and enthusiasm. We are fighting for the liberation of the occupied territories and especially for the destruction of Bolshevism. (...) At the time of the disturbances of the current year, June 29-30, the Rumanian citizens showed a implacable hatred towards Jews, as they considered them exponents of the internal communist powers, which are attempting to destroy the country and the defeat the allied forces. They also accused the Jews of being the only minority to hide and protect Soviet parachutists and terrorists. When measures were taken by the army [207] against Jews, the Rumanian citizens unanimously approved of the mass-executions. They would have liked the executions to be on a larger scale, because the way these took place, they weakened the secret Jewish forces only to a small extent; those Jewish elements who managed to escape are the ones who are capable of carrying out acts of terror, and supporting the communist movement.

Hatred against Jews has not weakened. The anti-Jewish measures of the authorities prove that the danger represented by Jews has been recognized by the government also. Consequently, they have begun to take measures against this minority.

The citizens of Rumania, irrespective of their political views, act as one when it comes to the Jewish issue. Everyone says that we may never receive another opportunity to finally solve the Jewish issue forever. They receive encouragement from German troops, and from the way in which the Jewish issue has been solved in the re-occupied territories.

There is a certain dissatisfaction among Jews, perhaps because some infectious diseases (typhoid) have broken out in the camps where we have sent several thousand of them, a lot of whom have died.

This situation, in other words the exclusion of Jews from a number of spheres of activity is causing rapid impoverishment; this could be dangerous, firstly, because not even the [208] Jewish communities can stop the further spread of misery. This may cause serious disturbances regarding public safety; Jewish tramps, mostly children and women, whose parents and husband have disappeared, have already appeared in the streets.

The Rumanianization of the commercial life is continuing intensively, but Rumanian elements who would like to make their way in the economy are missing.

21.

Extract from decision No. 2628 of the Bucharest Court of Justice on June 26, 1948; First Criminal Dept. (File No. 1946/1948)

The council of judges: Ioan Paulian, Chairman; Aurel Farcutiu, Councillor; Bella Gruia, people's assessor; Nicolae Tatu, people's assessor; Florian Pop, people's assessor.

Prosecuting magistrate: Octav Vasiliu, prosecutor; Costache Balcu prosecuting councillor delegate; Valer Zidveanu, prosecutor delegate.

Clerk of the court: Marin Carstea

Judgement

[209] In the name of the law, based on statute No. 291 of 1947 clause 3, referring to war-criminals and those guilty of crimes committed against peace or humanity, the court of justice convicts the following accused citizens for crimes committed, which are within the range of the wording of the statute cited:

Sentenced to penal servitude for life, 100 million lei fine and the suspension of their civil liberties for 10 years: General Gheorghe Stavrescu; Colonel Dumitru Captam , Colonel Ermil Maties ; Lieutenant-Colonel Constantin Ionescu Micandru; Lieutenant-Colonel Danubiu Marinescu ; Major Gheorghe Balotescu ; Major Emil Tulbure ; Sub-Lieutenant Eugen Mihailescu; Aurel Triandaf; Gheorghe Cristescu; Grigore Petrovici; Gheorghe Cimpoescu; Sergeant Vasile Mihailov; Police Constable Ion Botez; Lance-Sergeant Mircea Manoliu; Dumitru Cercel; Gheorghe Condurache; Dumitru Dumitriu, alias Cudi and alias Tigrel; Emil Vivoschi; Iosub Ghita; Gheorghe Grosu; Rudolf Lubas; Dumitnu Rusu alias Gheorghe.

Life imprisonment with hard labour, 100 million lei fine and the suspension of civil liberties for 10 years: Colonel Lupu Constantin.

Penal servitude for 25 years, 100 million lei fine and the suspension of civil liberties for 10 years: Dumitru Andronic; Constantin Blandut, alias Andrei; Leon Cristiniuc; Ion Laur, alias Jorbo; Gheorghe Bocancea; Stafan Scobai; Mihai Anitulesei.

Penal servitude for 25 years, 100 million lei fine and the suspension of civil liberties for 10 years: Ciubotarasu [210] Dumitru; Lazar Constantin; Nicolae Lupu; Tanase Gheorghe; Florian Ciornei; Dumitru Dumitriu; Manastireanu; Ion Moraru Dumitru; Alexandru Pasarica; Gheorghe Parlafes; Vasile Velescu.

Imprisonment with hard labour for 20 years, 100 million fine penalty and the suspension of civil liberties for 10 years:

Dumitru Constantinescu, alias Albescu.

Penal servitude for 15 years, 100 million lei fine and the suspension of civil liberties for 10 years: Dumitru Atudorei; Dumitru Dacarlat; Aurel Gramatiuc Nicolae Miron; Nicolae Rusu; Paraschiva Barlaconschi Morosanu.

Penal servitude for 5 years, 100 million lei fine and the suspension of civil liberties for 10 years: Ion Ciobanu, otherwise Balteanu.

Proceedings against Dumitru Popovici have ceased, since he has died.

The court of justice acquitted the following: Gheorghe Andreias, Dumitru Ghicicov, Ion Leucea, Ion Epure.

22.

Ministry of the Interior

4147/June 21, 1941.

Inspectorate of the Gendarmerie

General Antonescu, Leader of the State orders the following:

1. Every healthy Jew between the age 18 and 40 must be evacuated from the villages between the Seret and Prut either to the concentration camp to Targu Jiu, or to nearby villages. The first trains must depart on June 21 this year.

Members of Jewish families who do not fall into this category, as well as other Jewish families must be evacuated from the villages of Moldova to the county towns capable of ensuring their survival; the county heads are responsible for the execution of this order.

The evacuation must be carried out within 48 hours of receipt of this letter.

Jewish families living in the other villages of the country must be evacuated to the town centres of the given county with provisions necessary for their survival; the county heads are responsible for the execution of this order; the evacuation must be carried out within 4 days of receipt of this letter.

Lists of evacuees' names must be compiled and given to the police offices responsible so that the names can be registered, thus making it easier to identify Jews if they leave the place to which they have been evacuated.

[212] Families must not return to villages from which they been evacuated.

The houses of evacuees as well as other property left behind must be handed over to the local administrative authorities.

23.

Mayor's Office of Pascani town,

Baja County

Announcement

According to provisions of the order of General Antonescu, Leader of the State, and the Ministry of Interior, No. 4599/ 941, which was forwarded by the County Head's Office of the of Baia County with transcript No. 434/941, we hereby inform everyone that a curfew for Jewish people is now in effect. No male or female Jew is allowed to walk in the streets between 18.00 hrs and 07.00 hrs, and no persons other than family members are permitted to stay in their homes.

We also inform everyone that according to the laws mentioned above, acts of treason, aggression, sabotage or terror committed by Jews and their family members, or by communists or communist-Iron Guards, will be punished with death penalty. The imprisoned Jewish hostages will be the first to be executed.

Pascani, July 4, 1941. Town Mayor A. Hanciu